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1 |  |  In societies where ancestors are believed to be active members of the community |
|  | A) | there is a widespread fear of ghosts and customs aimed at minimizing contact with them. |
|  | B) | there tend to be ancestor cults organized around kinship relationships. |
|  | C) | there tend to be cults of the dead organized to ensure the welfare of the deceased. |
|  | D) | ancestors tend to be perceived as mischievous, malicious, and in need of appeasing. |
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2 |  |  Mitchell asserts that during his fieldwork, the Wape hunter's principle weapon |
|  | A) | was still the traditional bow and arrow. |
|  | B) | were shotguns, distributed by the government and plantation owners in the 1940's and 1950's. |
|  | C) | was still the snare net requiring entire kin groups to operate. |
|  | D) | had shifted from the shotgun to the rifle. |
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3 |  |  During Mitchell's fieldwork in Taute among the Wape |
|  | A) | a new store opened up in the village with surplus government weapons and ammunition. |
|  | B) | firearm legislation changed, making it legal for Wape men to own guns for hunting purposes. |
|  | C) | villages pooled their resources and collectively decided to purchase a group-owned gun. |
|  | D) | the government outlawed firearms in order to protect the cassowary population. |
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4 |  |  Mitchell asserts that the social impact of guns on Wape culture |
|  | A) | heightened village tensions and had a polarizing effect. |
|  | B) | actually diminished tensions between villagers because of the increase in available protein supplies. |
|  | C) | was perhaps strongest in relation to traditional trade routes. |
|  | D) | is almost imperceptible because the Wape appropriated the shotgun and fit it into their culture much as bows and arrows had been in traditional times. |
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5 |  |  Vampires are considered to be the "undead" or people |
|  | A) | who can't be killed except by extraordinary means. |
|  | B) | who died long ago but have been "called" from the grave by those who wish to inflict harm on their community. |
|  | C) | who, having died before their time, return to life to bring death to their friends and neighbors. |
|  | D) | who harbor animosity towards life-affirming communities. |
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6 |  |  The Visum et Repertum is |
|  | A) | the infamous "Vampire's handbook." |
|  | B) | the investigative report compiled by an Austrian medical team on their physiological findings of exhumed bodies in Medvegia. |
|  | C) | a formal proclamation issued by the royalty of Serbia making it illegal to withhold any evidence that someone may bear characteristics of a potential vampire. |
|  | D) | a list compiled and widely published of vampire attributes and related illnesses. |
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7 |  |  Arnold Paole was believed to be a vampire because |
|  | A) | he was a social miscreant who regularly attacked villagers during drunken rages before he was hung on official charges. |
|  | B) | he had been noted to have a taste for raw meat before he disappeared mysteriously, shortly before plague broke out in the area. |
|  | C) | of misguided conclusions made based on his body's physiological condition upon exhumation. |
|  | D) | he had a ruddy complexion and a birth defect that caused him to slur his speech. |
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8 |  |  Voodoo is an outsider's term for the _______________________ religion of Haiti. |
|  | A) | Afro-pagan |
|  | B) | modified Angolan |
|  | C) | African-based, Catholic-influenced |
|  | D) | Christian fundamentalist |
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9 |  |  Eighty percent of Haitians speak only |
|  | A) | Haitian Portuguese, adapted from the language of the original slaveholders on the island and inflected with South African grammatical structures. |
|  | B) | Haitian Creole, a blend of French vocabulary with West Africa grammatical structures. |
|  | C) | Haitian Spanish, a language consisting of many East African words, but structured according to the Spanish language of the original slaveholders. |
|  | D) | Haitian Pidgin, similar to many Southeast Asian fusion languages combining native terms and grammatical structures with the broken English of the early colonists. |
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10 |  |  The goal of drumming, singing, and dancing in Voodoo rituals is to chofe, or |
|  | A) | heat up the situation sufficiently to bring on possession by the spirits. |
|  | B) | heat up the situation sufficiently to drive away possessive spirits. |
|  | C) | create sufficient energy to draw Bondye's attention to the worshippers. |
|  | D) | move worshippers collectively to a higher level of consciousness. |
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11 |  |  The Berawan, a small tribe comprised of four communities residing in massive wooden longhouses, live in |
|  | A) | Northern Malaysia and subsist primarily through low-level agriculture. |
|  | B) | the southern equatorial jungle of Africa, where they subsist as hunter-gatherers. |
|  | C) | north-central Borneo and subsist primarily on fish and rice. |
|  | D) | eastern Colombia, where they practice terraced farming on steep mountainsides. |
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12 |  |  Berawan funeral rites are of particular interest to Metcalf, especially their practice of |
|  | A) | what is known as "secondary burial." |
|  | B) | pre-death initiation rites for seriously ill or injured persons. |
|  | C) | preserving bodies through a simple form of mummification. |
|  | D) | picking up and moving settlement every time a person dies in order to avoid their avenging spirit. |
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13 |  |  When Metcalf described American funeral practices to the Berawan, they |
|  | A) | were amazed at how similar their practices are to ours. |
|  | B) | responded with silence, shock, and disgust. |
|  | C) | were impressed by our veneration of the dead. |
|  | D) | responded with an endless harangue or questions. |
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14 |  |  The accidental death of Axel Flores, an immigrant Guatemalan, was tragic and strange, but the real complexities of the situation described by Brandes surround |
|  | A) | the refusal of the U.S. government to allow his body to be shipped to Guatemala. |
|  | B) | the refusal of the Guatemalan government to let his body return because of his status as an exile. |
|  | C) | the mishandling of his remains according to the wishes of his family. |
|  | D) | the problem of recognizing the official death of someone who was never officially registered as born in first place. |
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15 |  |  The Roman Catholic church |
|  | A) | has always approved of cremation, but in Latin America, native traditions have superceded this approach. |
|  | B) | has 'allowed' cremation as a suitable option since the Second Vatican Council in the mid 1960's, though it has never been encouraged. |
|  | C) | is, and has always been opposed to cremation on fundamental religious principles. |
|  | D) | has no official position on the practice, though individual dioceses do. |
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16 |  |  Haney, Leimer, and Lowery assert that the heavy investment in controlling death in the United States has led to |
|  | A) | a colossally amplified cultural fear of death. |
|  | B) | a tremendous deamplification of American cultural fears about death. |
|  | C) | a rise of violent and accidental deaths. |
|  | D) | the creation of a set cultural expectations about "right" deaths. |
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17 |  |  In their article on spontaneous memorialization, the authors suggest that ritual is subject to change |
|  | A) | when existing rituals are no longer emotionally arousing or effective at meeting the needs of those involved. |
|  | B) | when they have been appropriated by culturally divergent sub-cultures. |
|  | C) | only when fundamental cultural values have shifted. |
|  | D) | in only the most minimal ways, as ritual is generally perceived as immutable. |
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18 |  |  Haney, Leimer, and Lowery assert that rituals begin as spontaneous responses to a given situation, in order to fulfill the needs of those involved and therefore |
|  | A) | they don't have a role in unanticipated crisis situations. |
|  | B) | they are of critical importance in crisis situations when people often aren't able to verbalize or rationalize their needs. |
|  | C) | there can be no such thing as 'established' rituals. |
|  | D) | the institutionalization of ritual is contrary to its very essence. |
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